
The outcome of the August 7 referendum has left a bitter taste in the mouths of Thailand’s two biggest political parties. Pheu Thai Party is in a tougher situation, obviously, because not only does its entire apparatus depend on a clan crippled by the would-be new Constitution, but also the camp spearheaded the “No” campaign. The Democrats, meanwhile, saw their leader, Abhisit Vejjajiva, sticking his neck out against the controversial charter draft, although the party took a more ambiguous stand.
But the “first” moment of truth will arrive when the parties have to nominate, and then select, the next prime minister. The draft charter opens the way for an “outsider” to lead the next government, and a tug of war between the Democrats and Pheu Thai will make it even easier for Parliament to appoint a non-elected person as prime minister. In other words, if the Democrats and Pheu Thai were united in nominating a Mr A, it would be tough for the military to manoeuvre for an outsider to be appointed, even if the parties’ joint efforts may not be technically enough to push through their nominee.
If the two parties opt to push for their own nominees, a deadlock could be guaranteed and it would be a lot easier for a non-elected person to step in and take the helm of the next government. Simply put, if the Democrats insist on nominating Mr B, and Pheu Thai insist on Mr C, Mr D would almost definitely become Thailand’s next prime minister.
Both parties can adopt a “face-saving” approach. They could insist on separate, albeit democratic, choices, and let an “outsider” through the door to take all the blame. That, however, would not erase the fact the outsider could get in primarily because of their disagreement.
The “second” moment of truth, though, will come after Thailand gets its next prime minister. Whether the next head of government is an outsider or comes from an election will not be as important as how the two parties perform after a few years in oblivion. The politicians need to restore publictrust, faith and confidence in a normal democratic system. That is the only way to create true democracy in Thailand.
The two parties’ cut-throat politics led to some of the problems that culminated in the 2014 coup and the contentious Constitution approved in the referendum earlier this month. The military has been widely criticised, but the truth is that blaming the military will not solve any problem or change anything. Like it or not, the only way for democracy to grow from the hard rock arguably formed by the new constitution is for politicians to help it prosper, not military officials.
The real test for both parties, therefore, is not the selection of the prime minister. The Democrat and Pheu Thai parties carry an obligation far bigger than that. Their task is to convince the public that democracy is worth protecting. It’s a new task, given to both parties because of support for the August 7 referendum.
The Democrats and Pheu Thai have learned that a sizeable number of Thais were not happy with a “democracy” that both camps were part of. Although the vote took place in controversial circumstances, it has sent a highly significant message all the same. The parties have two choices – look down on the outcome and blame the others, or look at themselves in the mirror and change not only for the sake of democracy, but also their own.