True faith will always resist force

It is wrong to use force to try and “manage” matters of religion. The junta-led government’s dealings with controversial Wat Dhammakaya have now seen an already tricky situation become far more complicated with extremist Buddhist monk Wirathu of Myanmar rallying to the temple’s side and a devotee hanging himself in protest against the use of drastic state measures in the crackdown.
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha’s further invocation of Article 44 of the interim constitution to replace the chief of the National Office of Buddhism only reflects the junta’s ignorance. Phanom Sornsilp has been told to stand down in favour of Pongporn Parmsneh, who was in charge of taxation crime at the Department of Special Investigations (DSI). Phanom was sacked because he failed to bring the situation at Wat Dhammakaya under control.
Dhammakaya is by some accounts the largest Buddhist temple in the world, with more than 100 branches, its headquarters in Pathum Thani alone covering 2,000 rai. Its global following numbers in the millions. Established in 1970 by a group including Kasetsart University graduate Chaiyabun Sutthiphon – ordained as Chaiyabun Dhammachayo – the intention from the outset was to promote the faith in new ways. While it’s always been common practice for Thai men of a certain age to spend time as monks, Chaiyabun aimed for no less than making Buddhism the greatest of religions.
Debate surrounds the Dhammakaya doctrine and practices, but there is no doubt that Dhammachayo’s clever use of modern management techniques has brought the temple great success. Its Thai followers are mainly well educated and well to do. Their donations have made the temple wealthy, adding to its influence around the world. Such power puts it beyond the control of Thailand’s Sangha Supreme Council, which oversees Buddhist matters. In fact the council has utilised Dhammakaya money to build many other temples.
It has been suggested that the junta perceives the temple’s stature and financial clout as a threat. Civilian governments have always tolerated the temple’s conduct, but the military regime appears to have a mission of its own – to centralise faith and wealth among mainstream institutes. Dhammakaya might thus be seen as a rogue entity that has to be curtailed.
The junta, via the DSI, seized on an embezzlement case involving a Dhammakaya patron and accused Dhammachayo of laundering the follower’s money. So began a crusade to find the senior monk and bring him to court. Subsequent raids and searches have become occasions for anger, violence and, more often than not among the general populace, ridicule and mirth. Globally, however, for every junta-backed operation against the temple that fails, the attention of its followers sharpens and demonstrations of support multiply.
The widespread belief encouraged by the government that Dhammakaya is somehow in cahoots with the anti-coup red-shirt movement is easily discounted. There are almost certainly red-shirt sympathisers among its followers, but as such they stand alongside a significant segment of the urban elite who welcomed the coup that brought down the Shinawatra political juggernaut.
Members of the social elite who are not among the temple’s followers have joined state authorities and the Sangha Council in criticising Dhammakaya for behaving in an “un-Buddhist” way in accumulating so much wealth. They would apparently have us believe that Dhammakaya is the only immensely rich temple in Thailand. What sets Dhammakaya apart is its ability to solicit vast amounts of money through donations, which merely comes down to a sound marketing strategy.
Despite being battered in the press and at the gates in Pathum Thani, Dhammakaya’s followers are unshaken in their faith. It is the authorities who need a fresh strategy. Force alone will not bring Dhammakaya to heel.